The Renaissance of Anti-Intellectualism

In The Renaissance of Anti-Intellectualism, Todd Gitlin, is helpful at times.
Unfortunately, he can’t separate his bias from his work. He peppers his piece with shots at Republicans. Reagan as "intellectually challenged," Bush is "lazy minded," even George Will took a shot as a writer hired for "his sneers, not his logical mastery or historical depth." The first two are fairly tired plays on the recurring theme of Republican presidents as amiable dolts (Ike, Reagan, Bush 43) or out of touch (Nixon, Bush 41). Suggesting Will has no sense of historical depth is absurd. His columns are peppered with historical references, some well known and some obscure. Full disclosure: I’m a fan of Will. Of course, I’m a fan of his work precisely because he shows an enormous breadth of knowledge and is almost coldly analytical. Pensive envy?
Not surprisingly, Gitlin also pulls out the standard media line for Democrat presidents as "too smart for their own good" (Carter, Clinton, Gore). Now, he’s writing an opinion piece. However, dipping into ad hominem while attempting to show the benefits of intellectualism is an odd approach. I went off on a tangent, I admit. Back to the topic.
Regardless, Gitlin does note possible sources. Intellectualism in American Life, by Richard Hofstadler. Gitlin notes:

"Hofstadter described three pillars of anti-intellectualism -- evangelical religion, practical-minded business, and the populist political style. Religion was suspicious of modern relativism, business of regulatory expertise, populism of claims that specialized knowledge had its privileges. Those pillars stand. But, as Hofstadter recognized, something was changing in American life, and that was the uneasy apotheosis of technical intellect."

Gitlin also cites Alexis de Tocqueville. This may be a good reference tool for me to note any cultural consistencies or variances.
Gitlin does go on to make "populism" a more recent tactic of Republicans. Not sure I entirely agree. Populism was a movement made popular by William Jennings Bryan and he used it for his Democratic presidential platforms in the late 19th century. More recently, the populism trademark "stand up for the little guy" is more closely associated the rhetoric of the Democratic Party. True, Pat Buchanan tried his hand in it, but it’s a stretch to say the Republicans embraced it to tap into an anti-intellectualism sentiment.